Social researcher danah boyd (who generally chooses not to capitalize
her name) has made a name for herself as an expert on young people and
online social networks. A Ph.D. candidate at the School of Information
at the University of California, Berkeley and a graduate fellow at the
University of Southern California Annenberg Center, boyd has also
worked as a social media researcher at Yahoo, Google, and Tribe.net.
Recently, she appeared on The O'Reilly Factor, where she enlightened
Bill about Myspace and the "dopey kids" it attracts. At 29, boyd has
become the go-to woman for "adults" trying to figure out what "kids" do
online all day, and one look at her blog, Apophenia, offers insight into her exhausting speaking/interview schedule.
We
caught up with boyd recently to talk about social networks, kids these
days, and the intersection of technology and political organizing.
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Kate Sheppard: How did you start researching "digital publics"?
danah
boyd: I first went online when I was about 14. My brother was a
hardcore geek and I thought what he was doing was really lame, and I
wanted nothing to do with it. Then I realized there were people in
there, and it wasn't just about coding. And I started talking to people
online and participating in all sorts of social interaction, and found
it fascinating. So when I went to college, I decided I was going to
study computer science, in part based on those experiences.
Needless
to say, computer science degrees are not meant to engage with the web
in any socially relevant way. So I ended up getting involved with a lot
of computer graphics, which was awesome. When I entered college, I
started blogging, so I was also having this whole web experience.
My
research has gotten more and more related to youth over the years [and
to] identity, and performance in online environments, which in many
ways are online public environments.
KS: What sort of relationships are young people forming online? Who are they connecting with?
db:
Most of what's happening is they're building relationships, they're
engaging socially, they're seeking validation, they're seeking
negotiation of status, and this is happening both on and offline in a
very fluid way. My generation was much more about "going online" and it
being this separate universe, in many ways a totally separate social
world with social rules and scripts and what not. But for a lot of
young people, it is a fluid environment that moves between their
offline and online worlds. The technology doesn't act as a separator.
And
what you end up having is two different clusters of kids. You have kids
who are getting all they need in terms of validation and status, and
everything else from school, peers in the physical world, peers from
church, summer camp, activities, school, those kinds of obvious
physical environments. They are just replicating their networks and
their community online, using all the online tools -- IM, email, blogs,
Myspace, that kind of thing -- to talk to the people that they already
have networks formulated around.
You still also have the
marginalized and ostracized kids who are actually actively seeking out
a community of peers online because they don't have one offline. This
is who I was growing up. The assumption from the earlier days of the
Internet was that this latter [behavior] is all that the kids were
doing, and actually that's become the less common practice.
KS: What are some the differences between online and offline networks?
db:
There are sort of four properties and one key practice that are
fundamentally different online. The key practice is that you have to
write yourself into being. To a certain degree we do this offline as
well, whereby you have a body that you're working with that you then
accessorize to hell. Online you don't have a body, you don't have a
presence, you don't have anything that sort of marks your existence.
There
are four functions that are sort of the key architecture of online
publics and key structures of mediated environments that are generally
not part of the offline world. And those are persistence,
searchability, replicability, and invisible audiences. Persistence --
what you say sticks around. Searchability -- my mother would have loved
the ability to sort of magically scream into the ether to figure out
where I was when I'd gone off to hang out with my friends. She
couldn?t, thank God. But today when kids are hanging out online because
they've written [themselves] into being online, they become very
searchable. Replicability -- you have a conversation with your friends,
and this can be copied and pasted into your Live Journal and you get
into a tiff. That creates an amazing amount of "uh ohs" when you add it
to persistence. And finally, invisible audiences. In unmediated
environment, you can look around and have an understanding of who can
possibly overhear you. You adjust what you're saying to the reactions
of those people. You figure out what is appropriate to say, you
understand the social context. But when we're dealing with mediated
environments, we have no way of gauging who might hear or see us, not
only because we can't tell whose presence is lurking at the moment, but
because of persistence and searchability.
KS: How does online or digital identity differ from one's day-to-day life presentation?
db:
It's a performance, right? In that performance there are things that
are magnified. Think of it this way. My favorite thing about online
dating is that 80 percent of women are above average looking, according
to their marker, and 80 percent of men make above average in salary. Is
this true? Of course not. But our self-perceptions are often very
distorted. We want to be seen in the best light. This is why we sit
home with a shitload of makeup and try to construct a "Don?t we look
suave" sort of appearance. The same thing happens online, but instead
of using expensive paints for our faces, we're using digital ones. But
we're still trying to put what we think is our best foot forward for
the social context at hand.
------------snip----------------
Parents on kids' Net use: Study
We're a little more ambivalent about our children's Net use than we used to be - but that doesn't mean more of us think the Internet is bad for them, according to a just-released study on this by the Pew Internet & American Life Project <http://www.pewinternet.org/PPF/r/225/report_display.asp>.
"While a majority of [US] parents with online teens [12-17] still believe the Internet is a beneficial factor in their children's lives, there has been a decrease since 2004" in the number of parents who believe so (67% then vs. 59% now), study author Alexandra Rankin Macgill reports. She adds, though, that there has not been a "corresponding increase" during the same period in the percentage of parents who see online activity as a bad thing (7% now vs. 5% then). "Instead, more parents are neutral about whether their children have been positively affected by the Internet, saying the Internet has not had an effect on their child one way or another [30% now vs. 25% then]." ["Now" should be qualified a bit, because the survey was conducted about a year ago.]
As for how we regulate our kids' Internet use, interestingly, as with videogames and TV, we tend to do so in terms of the content of the medium more than time spent on it - 68% have rules about what sites their kids can use, compared to 77% concerning TV shows they can watch and 67% concerning videogames they can play. So we're pretty engaged in their Net use - "despite the stereotype of the clueless parent," Pew/Internet found. Some 65% of parents say they've checked where their kids have been after they've been online, and "74% can correctly identify" whether their children have created a social-networking profile others can see.
There's a fairly predictable difference between teens' favorable view of technology and that of parents, though the percentage of parents with a positive view is high: 71% of parents say the Internet and cellphones, iPods and digital cameras make their lives easier, compared to 89% of teens. I noted with interest that 63% of US 12-to-17-year-olds now have cellphones, compared to 89% of parents. For iPods and other music players, it's the inverse: 51% of teens have them, compared to 29% of parents.
Parental concerns are key
eMarketer points out how important parents' views of social networking are to this social-Web business
http://www.emarketer.com/Article.aspx?id=1005523
It cites the research of Parks Associates as showing that "virtual world advertising in the United States will increase tenfold to $150 million by 2012 from the 2006 level. That spending could be cut, however, if parents deny permission for teens to visit virtual worlds. And parental approval is not a given, since some aspects of virtual worlds are still discomfiting for parents." What Mattel's BarbieGirls.com does is require girls to pick a username, password, and age range ("the choices are 5 or under, 6-7, 8-9, 10-12, 13-15 and 16+"). The also have to provide a parent's email address, "which is used to send an automated permission request. Once the parent approves, a child can access the site." Of course kids can find workarounds: It's impossible to verify that the email address really is the child's parent's, and the
message "simply asks the recipient to affirm 'that you are the parent of the child')." And proof of the child's age can't be required because children don't have ID cards or personal information in any national database against which sites could check
http://www.connectsafely.org/articles--advice/commentaries---staff/social-networkers-age-verification.html
[eMarketer this fall issued a very expensive lengthy report on kids' virtual worlds http://www.emarketer.com/Report.aspx?code=emarketer_2000437 ]